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<title>Producción científica</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/3" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/3</id>
<updated>2026-09-14T04:30:17Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-09-14T04:30:17Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Regulación transnacional de la desinformación: desafíos para la democracia europea en la era algorítmica</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/905" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Valle Inclán Rodríguez de Miñón, Daniel</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/905</id>
<updated>2026-09-10T02:00:23Z</updated>
<published>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Regulación transnacional de la desinformación: desafíos para la democracia europea en la era algorítmica
Valle Inclán Rodríguez de Miñón, Daniel
La incorporación de la tecnología en los procesos electorales ha generado transformaciones sustanciales en las dinámicas de campaña. Si bien es innegable que la tecnología ha contribuido a la ampliación y facilitación del ejercicio del derecho al voto, pues ha incrementado la transparencia y eficacia del sistema electoral, y ha reducido la incertidumbre inherente a dichos procesos, no debe soslayarse que su aplicación ha conllevado la proliferación de vulnerabilidades y riesgos cibernéticos. El presente trabajo tiene como objeto principal revisar las principales amenazas que enfrenta nuestro Estado de derecho y analizar la labor que las instituciones europeas han venido desarrollando para hacer frente desafíos como la desinformación, que se ciernen sobre los pilares de la Unión Europea.; The integration of technology into electoral processes has engendered substantial transformations in campaign dynamics. While it is indisputable that technology has facilitated the expansion and accessibility of the right to vote —enhancing electoral system transparency and efficacy, whilst mitigating inherent uncertainties—, it cannot be overlooked that its implementation&#13;
has precipitated a proliferation of cyber vulnerabilities and risks. The principal aim of this study&#13;
is to scrutinize the foremost threats confronting our rule of law and to appraise the endeavors&#13;
undertaken by European institutions to counteract challenges such as disinformation, which imperil the foundational pillars of the European Union.
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Adolescents’ Interpretations of Romantic Chatbots, Relational Control, and AI-Enabled Harm</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/904" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Feijoo Fernández, Beatriz</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Paz-Rebollo, María Antonia</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/904</id>
<updated>2026-09-08T02:00:15Z</updated>
<published>2026-09-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Adolescents’ Interpretations of Romantic Chatbots, Relational Control, and AI-Enabled Harm
Feijoo Fernández, Beatriz; Paz-Rebollo, María Antonia
This exploratory qualitative study examines how adolescents interpret AI-mediated intimate practices that may not yet be widespread among minors but are already salient within their digital imaginaries, focusing on romantic chatbots, AI-assisted relational advice, and AI-enabled practices of control and harm. Six online, gender-segregated focus groups were conducted with 33 adolescents aged 16–18 in Spain. Participants framed romantic chatbots as sites of idealized, conflict-free intimacy shaped by user control; evaluations of AI-based relational advice were ambivalent, particularly among girls, who questioned its personalization and intent. Adolescents condemned highly intrusive practices such as message cloning, yet often normalized other forms of monitoring (e.g. real-time location sharing) as safety or care. Deepfakes were consistently identified as the most harmful practice, with participants highlighting violations of consent and noting gendered dynamics in peer-group circulation. Overall, marked AI appears less as a source of novel inequalities than as an amplifier of existing affective and gendered scripts in adolescent digital cultures.
Se deposita la versión enviada (preprint) del artículo
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-09-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>State-funded Catholic education in Spain: a chronicle of a death foretold? Implications for school choice and social mission</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/903" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Ballestar, María Teresa</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Guerrero, Mar</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Ladrón de Guevara Pascual, Begoña</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Sainz, Jorge</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/903</id>
<updated>2026-09-03T11:15:48Z</updated>
<published>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">State-funded Catholic education in Spain: a chronicle of a death foretold? Implications for school choice and social mission
Ballestar, María Teresa; Guerrero, Mar; Ladrón de Guevara Pascual, Begoña; Sainz, Jorge
The viability of Catholic state-subsidised schools is a challenge for educational pluralism in Europe. As example, when comparing Spain with other countries in the European Union, results are unfavourable. This article analyses whether the current funding system in Spain jeopardises this school provision. Our study shows that over 90% of the school units are running at a deficit, with the highest rates in primary and secondary education. Our findings show that the scarce public resources make schools depend on families’ voluntary contributions. This relationship generates a dilemma for the educational institutions between their survival and the ‘preferential option for the poor’ (Gravissimum Educationis). Most countries have secured stable and sufficient funding for their publicly funded schools. In Spain, the economics of these institutions makes it difficult for them to maintain quality and even their mere existence, especially in rural areas where they represent the only viable alternative to state schools. This leads us to the need for a profound reform that brings public funding for ‘concertado’ schools closer to the real cost of provision or, better still, to the cost of funding of similar public schools. Otherwise, the situation will force Catholic schools either to become elitist schools or close.
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Triunfo de la estupidez y partitocracia</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/902" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Leyra Curiá, Santiago</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12766/902</id>
<updated>2026-09-04T02:00:14Z</updated>
<published>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Triunfo de la estupidez y partitocracia
Leyra Curiá, Santiago
Para comprender cómo se ha entendido la democracia liberal, más que&#13;
acudir a las típicas definiciones de los libros de texto en los que abundan&#13;
los tópicos o recordar las tres formas clásicas de gobierno, podemos acudir&#13;
a tres definiciones salidas de la pluma de hombres verdaderamente lúcidos&#13;
y basadas en experiencias concretas. [...]
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
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